ENUGU, NIGERIA (VOICE OF NAIJA) – The year 2025 demonstrated how emergency rule, mass defections, foreign military strikes, and internal conflicts reshaped Nigeria’s political landscape.
There was something deeply unsettling about the year—an atmosphere that marked it as unusually turbulent and uncertain.
For Nigeria, 2025 was a year that started quietly but quickly blew up into a whirlwind of constitutional debates, political drama, and power struggles that left even the most experienced shocked.
It was a year in which democratic institutions faced serious tests, executive power stretched beyond its limits, and Nigeria’s political elite engaged in a panicked scramble for survival and realignment, developments that felt almost dramatic.
Carefully analyzing the events and incidents that shaped last year, from the resource-rich creeks of Rivers State to the esteemed National Assembly, from the war-torn areas of Sokoto where American missiles struck Nigerian soil for the first time, to the bustling corridors of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC), where opposition governors lined up to switch parties in order to join the moving train, 2025 was a year that future generations can actually study and debate on. It also revealed the fragility of Nigeria’s federal and judiciary structure, the weaknesses of its democracy, and the shameless ambition of its political leaders.
Even though it wasn’t a general election year, the political climate was still tense, unsettled, and marked by uncertainty and conflicts.
The country experienced several upheavals; some shocking, others expected, that significantly changed the power balance, setting the stage for what is likely to be a highly competitive 2027 general election.
As we look back on these remarkable twelve months with its striking drama, it’s important to revisit the key events that marked this critical moment in Nigeria’s political history.
The Rivers Crisis: When Emergency Rule Shook the Nation
One of the most unforgettable events that captured the unpredictability and intensity of Nigerian politics in 2025, was the declaration of emergency rule in Rivers State.
President Bola Ahmed Tinubu on March 18, 2025, invoked Section 305 of the 1999 Constitution and suspended Governor Siminalayi Fubara, his deputy, Prof. Ngozi Nma Odu, and the entire Rivers State House of Assembly. In turn, Tinubu appointed a former Chief of Naval Staff, Vice Admiral Ibok-Ete Ibas (rtd), as the sole administrator of the oil-rich state.
This decision sent a heavy shockwaves throughout the country. Rivers State, one of Nigeria’s most crucial and wealthiest states, was suddenly subjected under direct federal control.
READ ALSO: Rivers Emergency Rule: Fubara Support Group Says Tinubu Was Misinformed
For many, it felt like a return to military rule, where governors could be removed at the whim of a head of state. And for others, it was a necessary step to prevent complete chaos in a state that had become unmanageable.
The crisis had been building for months, stemming from a bitter power struggle between Fubara and his political mentor and predecessor, Nyesom Wike, who is the Minister of Federal Capital Territory, Abuja.
Wike had anointed Fubara as governor before accepting a ministerial position in President Tinubu’s cabinet.
What began as whispers of disagreement deteriorated into open conflict marred with series of disagreements, a development that led the state House of Assembly to split into factions, governance coming to a standstill, and political violence lie in wait for just out of sight.
In December 2023, the President had brokered an eight-point peace agreement between the opposing sides, but it proved fragile. The deal was seen as favoring Wike, leaving Fubara isolated and weak.
The turning point came in February 2025 when the Supreme Court issued a 62-page judgment that accused the governor of gross misconduct. With the legal ground shifting beneath him and political instability rising, then President Tinubu took action.
Hurriedly, governors from the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) went to the Supreme Court, contesting the president’s authority to suspend elected officials.
Legal experts debated whether emergency powers allowed for the removal of democratically elected leaders or if such moves violated federalism’s core principles. Civil society groups expressed concern, warning that this precedent could be used against other governors who fell out of favor with Abuja.
Months later, the Supreme Court delivered a landmark ruling that upheld the president’s authority to declare a state of emergency to prevent law and order breakdown.
However, the court remained silent about the legality of suspending governor Fubara and other elected officials, the very question that had trigged the legal battle. This silence however, left many issues unanswered and future conflicts unresolved.
Admiral Ibas for six months, managed Rivers State with a firm hand. His time in office was marked by relative calm, though it was also politically contentious.
He supervised the local government elections that brought new chairmen across the state, a move critics claimed that it was targeted at strengthening the ruling party’s influence in the state.
On September 18, 2025, after the six-month emergency period ended, Fubara returned to office. However, he was not the same man who had been removed.
In a surprising political turn, Fubara defected from the PDP to the ruling APC, dramatically changing the political landscape in Rivers State and sending a clear message: in Nigerian politics, survival often outweighs ideology.
Despite his return, the battle for Rivers was far from settled. Wike and his supporters continued to make pointed statements, indicating that the fight for the state’s political identity was still ongoing.
The Rivers emergency rule saga highlighted the limits of democratic institutions, the extent of executive power, and the lasting influence of political mentors in Nigeria’s governance system.
The Great Defection: When Oppositions Joined the Ruling Party
If the Rivers crisis was just a single upheaval, then the wave of defections that swept across Nigeria in 2025 acted like a slow-moving avalanche.
Governors elected under the PDP began leaving their party for the ruling APC, forcefully pushing the main opposition party toward total collapse.
The defection started with Governor Sheriff Oborevwori of Delta State, who was the first to make the departure.
His defection signaled a clear message, that the political winds had changed, and those concerned about their futures needed to be o the known. In the following weeks, others followed suit. Governor Umo Eno of Akwa Ibom State, Governor Peter Mbah of Enugu State, Governor Douye Diri of Bayelsa State, Governor Agbu Kefas of Taraba State, and ultimately Governor Fubara of Rivers State all joined the APC.
READ ALSO: Taraba Speaker, Fifteen Lawmakers Defect From PDP To APC
Even Governor Caleb Mutfwang of Plateau State was announced as an APC member, though the details remained unclear.
By the end of the year, the PDP had almost lost all its governors. The party which was once a powerful opposition party with control over multiple states, now becomes a shadow of its former self, barely clinging to power in a few states and torn apart by internal crisis and divisions.
Though the reasons for the defections were varied, but several common factors arose.
According to many governors, they switched to the APC for them to gain access to federal resources and ensure development in their states.
While for others, they joined APC to respond to their constituents’ desires to work closely with the federal government. Critics, however, pointed to a darker motive.
But for opposition politicians and civil society groups, the governors were fleeing to the APC to dodge investigations by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), when they leave power.
They argued that aligning with the ruling party provided a form of political protection, a shield against prosecution and assurance of federal backing.
Whether true or not, this perception took hold: in Nigeria, aligning with the ruling party could mean the difference between facing charges and receiving protection.
The mass defections also fueled fears that Nigeria was moving toward a one-party state, a situation that would weaken democratic competition and encourage authoritarian tendencies. With the PDP in chaos in one hand, the Labour Party on the other hand, split by leadership crisis, and most opposition governors now part of the APC, and as the country headed toward the 2027 general election, the ruling party seemed almost unstoppable.
This political shift also deepened public distrust toward politicians.
Many ordinary citizens felt that the defections confirmed long-held beliefs that politicians lacked true ideological commitments, that loyalty to a party was merely convenient, and that power, rather than principle, was the ultimate goal of Nigerian politics.
The Trump Effect: “Christian Genocide,” and the Day American Bombs Struck Nigeria
While domestic political battles dominated the year’s early months, the latter part of the year was overshadowed by an unforeseen international crisis: a full-blown diplomatic clash with the United States, culminating in American military strikes on Nigerian territory.
It began in October, when U.S. President Donald Trump redesignated Nigeria as a Country of Particular Concern (CPC) following what can be described as violations of religious freedom.
This label, reserved for nations committing severe persecution, came with visa restrictions and a stark warning: military actions were possible if attacks on Christians continued.
Trump had first applied the CPC designation to Nigeria in 2020, but President Joe Biden lifted it shortly after taking office. The 2025 redesignation reopened old wounds and reignited fierce debates on Nigeria’s security crisis.
Trump and his Republican allies in Congress claimed a “Christian genocide” was happening in Nigeria, with Islamic extremists systematically targeting Christian communities in the Middle Belt and beyond.
Nigerian officials reacted angrily. President Tinubu dismissed the genocide narrative, saying that the violence experienced by in Nigeria was caused by banditry, competition for resources, and opportunistic armed groups not a state-sponsored campaign of religious extermination.
Government spokespersons noted that Muslims were also victims of the violence and argued that simplifying Nigeria’s complex security issues to a single religious narrative was both misleading and dangerous.
Yet, the damage was done. Trump’s comments by calling Nigeria a “disgrace” and threatening to order U.S. forces “guns blazing” humiliated Nigerian leaders and put them on the defensive. Senator Ted Cruz and other conservative lawmakers pushed Congress to adopt harsher measures, while U.S. religious advocacy groups highlighted stories of persecution.
Behind the scenes, Nigerian diplomats raced to manage the fallout. National Security Adviser Mallam Nuhu Ribadu led a high-powered delegation to Washington for intense negotiations with U.S. officials.
The talks were sensitive, as Nigeria tried to defend its sovereignty while acknowledging the seriousness of its security crisis.
Then came the shock. On Christmas Day 2025, the United States launched the first confirmed airstrikes on Nigerian soil.
According to the Federal Government of Nigeria, the strikes were targeted at terrorist hideouts in the Bauni forest area of Tangaza Local Government Area in Sokoto State.
Trump had earlier announced that the U.S. Department of War had conducted “numerous perfect strikes” against ISIS-affiliated terrorists, pledging that his administration would not allow radical Islamic terrorism to increase.
Debris from the operation reportedly landed in Jabo, Tambuwal Local Government Area of Sokoto State, and as far away as Offa in Kwara State.
The government stated that there were no civilian casualties, but the psychological and political impact was immense. For the first time in Nigeria’s history since independence, a foreign power had conducted military actions within its borders.
The airstrikes ignited a national debate about sovereignty, security cooperation, and the boundaries of foreign intervention. Supporters claimed Nigeria needed all the help to combat terrorism, arguing the strikes showed the U.S. was committed to African security.
Critics countered that permitting foreign military action on Nigerian territory set a dangerous precedent, damaged national pride, and implied that Nigeria’s armed forces could not handle the problem of insurgency on their own.
This incident futher revealed the depth of Nigeria’s security challenge.
Despite countless promises from successive governments, years of military campaigns, and massive defense budgets, terrorist groups continued to operate largely unchecked in parts of the North-West and North-East.
READ ALSO: Trump Genocide Claim: Momodu Dismisses Link Between Opposition
The fact that U.S. intervention was seen as necessary or at least acceptable spoke volumes about Nigeria’s security situation.
The Coup That Wasn’t: October’s Moment of National Anxiety
In a year 2025 full of various drama, October brought perhaps the most unsettling event: rumors of a military coup plot against President Tinubu.
The details were unclear, official confirmations were few, but the anxiety was palpable.
Reports began circulating from Sahara Reporters in mid-October, claiming that 16 military officers had been arrested for plotting to overthrow the president and end Nigeria’s 26-year streak of civilian rule.
Premium Times later provided a more detailed report, explaining that the alleged conspirators had been holding secret meetings and had even set a tentative date for their takeover before their plans were discovered by security agencies.
According to the reports, the plot was not just about removing President Tinubu from office; it also reportedly involved plans to assassinate him, along with Vice President Kashim Shettima, Senate President Godswill Akpabio, and House Speaker Tajudeen Abbas during the Independence Day military parade on October 1.
The parade was canceled, officially due to logistical issues, but many suspected the coup scare was the real reason.
READ ALSO: DHQ Denies Coup Plot, Reaffirms Commitment To Democracy
The Defence Headquarters never directly confirmed a coup attempt, only mentioning arrests related to “indiscipline and breach of service regulations.” However, military insiders told journalists that intelligence had indeed discovered plans to destabilize the government.
A military panel was set up to investigate, and as the inquiry expanded, more arrests followed.
The coup scare didn’t occur in isolation. Since 2021, West Africa had seen a troubling rise in military takeovers.
Mali, Niger Republic, and Burkina Faso had all succumbed to juntas and, by 2024, had dramatically exited the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) to form the Alliance of Sahel States. Democratic norms in the region were weakening, and the allure of authoritarianism was growing stronger.
Just weeks after Nigeria’s own scare, soldiers took control in Guinea-Bissau after a controversial general election. In Benin Republic, a deadly coup attempt was thwarted with support from Nigeria.
The message was clear: coups were becoming common again, and no country in the region could afford to remain complacent.
Within Nigeria, the alleged plot raised uncomfortable questions about civil-military relations, economic difficulties within the ranks, and whether democratic institutions had provided enough benefits to protect the country against slipping into authoritarianism.
For many Nigerians, the fact that such a plot was even thinkable whether real or imagined was a damning sign of the nation’s condition.
The Battle for the Senate: Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan’s Six-Month Suspension
The year 2025 also saw the National Assembly tangled in internal conflict, most prominently was the suspension of Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan, the outspoken lawmaker from Kogi Central Senatorial District.
What started as a procedural disagreement during a Senate session quickly escalated into a confrontation that revealed the fragility of legislative independence and the dangers of opposing the Senate’s powerful leaders.
In March, during a heated session, Akpoti-Uduaghan clashed with Senate President Godswill Akpabio over parliamentary procedures. However, the disagreement was more than just about rules. The senator publicly accused Akpabio of punishing her unfairly for rejecting his “illicit advances,” an accusation that sent shockwaves through the Senate and the wider public.
The issue was sent to the Senate Committee on Ethics, Privileges, and Public Petitions, which, after discussions, recommended disciplinary action.
The Senate adopted the committee’s report through a voice vote, suspending Akpoti-Uduaghan for six months on allegations of misconduct, breaching Senate rules, and behaving in ways deemed inconsistent with legislative decorum.
The suspension banned her from participating in committee work, attending sessions, and even engaging in other legislative activities. Also affected was her office within the National Assembly complex.
The decision triggered strong reactions from political figures, civil society organizations, and women’s rights groups, many of whom viewed the suspension as excessive and punitive.
Meanwhile, supporters of the Senate president insisted that due process had been followed, hence the action was necessary to maintain order in the chamber. However, critics raised concerns about the misuse of legislative privilege, internal democracy, and the risks of using disciplinary actions to silence open disagreement.
Six months after, the Senate lifted the suspension in September, allowing Akpoti-Uduaghan to resume her normal duties. But the senator was not finished.
She also filed a lawsuit challenging the legality of her suspension, and in a key ruling, Justice Binta Nyako of the Federal High Court sitting in Abuja deemed the six-month suspension “excessive” and stated it denied her constituents their right to representation. However, the judge did not issue an immediate order for her recall, leaving the legal battle partially unresolved.
In early 2026, in an unexpected twist, Senate President Akpabio directed his lawyers to withdraw the defamation suit he filed against Akpoti-Uduaghan.
This move reportedly followed a sermon by a Catholic priest during a New Year’s Day service that focused on forgiveness and reconciliation. The federal government also dropped criminal defamation charges against the senator.
What had dominated headlines for months finally appeared to be settling down, but the damage to the Senate’s reputation was already done.
Lagos Drama: Obasa’s Impeachment, Reinstatement, and the Hand of Aso Rock
If Rivers State was Nigeria’s most dramatic political crisis of 2025, Lagos State was not far behind.
The year began with a political shock in the nation’s commercial hub when lawmakers in the Lagos State House of Assembly impeached their Speaker, Mudashiru Obasa, on January 13, a development that occurred just two weeks into the New Year.
Obasa, who had served as Speaker since 2015 and was in his third term, was a leading figure in Lagos politics, both feared and powerful. His impeachment took many by surprise. Thirty-six lawmakers, out of 40, accused him of abuse of office, financial misconduct, and gross misconduct.
Those criticizing his leadership claimed they had long been dissatisfied with his approach of leadership but had felt too intimidated to voice their concerns.
Immediately after his impeachment, Mojisola Meranda, the deputy speaker, was elected as the new speaker, marking the first time a woman held the position in Lagos State’s history. But if anyone thought the matter was resolved, they were mistaken.
In late February, Obasa made a striking return. He arrived at the Assembly complex with a crowd of supporters, declared himself reinstated, and resumed duties even in the midst of chaos and confusion. “I’ve resumed, and I remain the speaker of the assembly,” he proclaimed rebelliously.
This further escalated tensions that led to physical confrontations on the Assembly grounds.
Behind the scenes, the APC leadership in Lagos was frantically working to resolve the crisis. Sources within the party revealed that Obasa’s impeachment had not been authorized by President Tinubu, who remained a powerful figure in Lagos politics, though now at the Aso Rock.
Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu, who was believed to have supported Obasa’s impeachment, faced intense criticism from influential (APC) party leaders.
By early March, the lawmakers went to Abuja to meet with the President. During the meeting, the president made his position clear, opposed the impeachment and wanted Obasa reinstated as the Speaker.
On March 3, 2025, just 49 days after his removal, Obasa was officially sworn in again as Speaker. Mojisola Meranda following the reinstatement of Obasa had to resign, and in a scene reminiscent of a Nollywood political drama, Obasa was also welcomed back with applause by the same lawmakers who had impeached him weeks earlier.
A Lagos State High Court in April, further confirmed Obasa’s position, ruling that the January impeachment proceedings were “illegal, unconstitutional, null and void.” The entire incident, which lasted for more than eight weeks, interrupted legislative activities, delayed budget approvals, and also highlighted a key truth about Lagos politics.
It means that ultimate power still lies in Abuja, and crossing the President even indirectly can result to swift consequences.
Nnamdi Kanu’s Life Sentence: The End of a Decade-Long Legal Battle
In November, another long-running political story reached its end. The leader of the banned Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB), MAzi Nnamdi Kanu, was sentenced to life in prison by a Federal High Court in Abuja, concluding a ten-year legal struggle that had captivated and divided the nation.
The court found the IPOB leader guilty on multiple terrorism-related charges, with the judge ruling that prosecutors proved his broadcasts and commands as Mazi Kanu incited deadly violence against security forces and civilians in Nigeria’s South-East.
While prosecutors initially sought the death penalty, the judge opted for life imprisonment, referencing trends in international law that lean toward abolishing capital punishment.
Kanu’s life sentencing capped a journey that took him from London, where he ran Radio Biafra, to a Nigerian courtroom, to exile, and back to detention following a controversial 2021 extradition from Kenya that many legal experts believed violated international law.
His trial had been repeatedly delayed due to concerns about fair hearings, jurisdictional disagreements, and procedural challenges.
For supporters of Biafran independence, Kanu was a martyr and a hero, a figure who have the courage to voice the aspirations of millions of Igbos who felt marginalized in Nigeria. For the federal government and many Nigerians outside the South-East, he was a dangerous provocateur whose orotundity had incited insecurity, violence, and instability in the South-East region.
The life sentence did little to settle these conflicting views. In the South-East, the verdict prompted protests and renewed demands for Kanu’s release. Civil liberties groups questioned whether he received a fair trial, highlighting issues in his extradition and detention.
Security analysts warned that the conviction, instead of putting an end to the agitation, could radicalize extremist factions within IPOB and lead to further violence.
Indeed, some observers noted that despite his controversial statements, the IPOB leader had been one of the few people capable of restraining more violent elements within the separatist movement. With him now in prison, there were fears that more militant factions could take over, potentially escalating insecurity in the South-East.
The Opposition Regroups: ADC Emerges as the New “Third Force”
Nigeria is really going through a time with people leaving their parties and getting suspended. There are also a lot of problems with the constitution.
The opposition in Nigeria, which has been really hurt is trying to make a comeback. The main parties, the PDP and the Labour Party were in a mess after months of fighting within themselves.
So the big names, in the opposition got together to form a team called the African Democratic Congress or the ADC for short. The African Democratic Congress is their coalition.
The decision came after a year of talking behind the scenes. Opposition leaders were trying to figure things out because their parties were having problems.
These problems were making it impossible for them to challenge the APC in 2027.
The coalition had some names, in politics: former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, former Minister of Transportation Rotimi Amaechi former Labour Party presidential candidate Peter Obi, former Kaduna State Governor Nasir El-Rufai and many more.
The decision to come together under the ADC was one. The PDP had broken into two groups that did not get along. One group was loyal to Nyesom Wike and was led by Abdulrahaman Mohammed as the National Chairman and the other group was headed by Taminu Turaki.
The Labour Party was also divided between Julius Abure and Senator Nenadi Usman. This made the situation with the opposition parties very confusing.
The Independent National Electoral Commission, also known as INEC would not recognize any of these groups until the court cases were settled so both parties were, in a situation legally and organizationally.
For most Nigerians, the African Democratic Congress is what they thought would solve the country’s problem. It seemed like an organized group that was not tied down by the issues that had hurt the Peoples Democratic Party and the Labour Party.
The African Democratic Congress got a main office and they announced that Rauf Aregbesola was going to be the National Secretary and David Mark was going to be the National Chairman.
The African Democratic Congress started to show itself as the alternative to the All Progressives Congress being, in charge.
People still had a lot of questions. Can a group of politicians who have been fighting each other for years really get along and work together?
Does the African Democratic Congress have an enough base to compete with the All Progressives Congress and their powerful political system?
What is most important can the African Democratic Congress convince Nigerian voters that they are not just the same old politicians with a new name?
The African Democratic Congress needs to prove that they are different, from the political leaders. Can the Nigerian voters trust the African Democratic Congress?
The answers to these questions will only become clear in the months before the 2027 election. Now the African Democratic Congress or ADC, for short is the oppositions best hope and maybe their last hope of challenging the All Progressives Congress or APCs control of power.
The ADC is the oppositions hope of taking on the APC.
Anambra Election: Soludo’s Landslide and the Test of a New INEC Chairman
In November Nigeria had an election. This was the major election with Professor Joash Amupitan in charge.
He is the chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission also known as INEC. The election for governor of Anambra State took place on November 8.
People saw this election as a way to check if Professor Joash Amupitan is doing a job and if he is being fair. This election was, like a practice run for the election that will happen in 2027.
The Independent National Electoral Commission or INEC was watching to see how things go. Professor Joash Amupitan and the Independent National Electoral Commission have a lot of work to do before the 2027 election.
Governor Chukwuma Soludo of the All Progressives Grand Alliance won the election by a margin. He got 422,664 votes out of 584,054 votes that people cast in the states 21 government areas.
The All Progressives Grand Alliance candidate, Governor Chukwuma Soludo did well.
His main opponent, Prince Nicholas Ukachukwu of the APC got 99,445 votes. The ADC got 8,208 votes. The PDP, which was once very strong, in the state got a small number of votes only 1,401 votes.
The All Progressives Grand Alliance and Governor Chukwuma Soludo were the winners.
Soludo won the election by a margin and that shows how much people like him and the things his administration has done.
This big win also made some people wonder if everything was okay. Some people who are against Soludo said they do not think the election was completely fair.
They pointed out that APGA won in all 21 governments and that makes them think something fishy might have happened.
Other people said that while INEC did a job most of the time they did have some problems, with getting everything ready.
For Professor Amupitan the election was a thing and a bad thing at the same time.
He did a job of running a big election without too much violence or big problems with the equipment but people still had a lot of questions about whether the Independent National Electoral Commission or INEC for short was doing its job properly.
Now that Professor Amupitan is getting ready for the 2027 election the situation is very serious.
If the election does not go well it could cause problems in Nigeria. If the election is fair and honest it could make people trust the democratic system in Nigeria again. Professor Amupitan and the people, at INEC have a lot of work to do to make sure the election is credible.
This is the end of the year. It is clear that this year has changed everything. The year that just passed was a big deal for a lot of people. It was a year that changed everything for many of us. Everything, about this year was different.
That is what makes it so special. This year was the year that changed everything. It will always be remembered as such. The year that changed everything was a year of changes and new things. It was the year that changed everything. It will be interesting to see what happens next year.
This year that changed everything will always be a year to remember.
As the year 2025 came to an end the people of Nigeria looked back on a year that was really something.
The government had to declare a state of emergency in Rivers State, which showed that the system of federalism is not very strong.
Many governors switched to the ruling party at once which made people worry that Nigeria would become a country with only one party in power.
For the time bombs from America fell on Nigerian land, which brought up difficult questions about who is in charge and how to keep people safe.
There was a plot to overthrow the government. Whether it was real or not it made the people in power very nervous.
The year 2025 was a deal for Nigeria and the people of Nigeria are still thinking about all the things that happened like the state of emergency in Rivers State and the bombs, from America that fell on Nigerian soil.
The Senate took a step by suspending one of its own members. This move started a lot of discussions about how independent the legislative body should be. In Lagos people saw a big drama play out when a speaker was removed from office and then brought back.
This whole situation showed how much power Aso Rock really has.
Nnamdi Kanu was given a life sentence in prison. This closed one part of the story about Nigeria’s struggles with groups but it could also be the start of something new.
The opposition, even though they have been, through a lot are not giving up. They have come together under a name and they want to try and challenge the APCs control in the 2027 elections.
Nigerian people saw what was happening they were tired and suspicious as the people in charge fought for control. These leaders made friends with each other then stopped being friends.
They tried to see how far they could go without breaking the rules of democracy. What happened in 2025 made a lot of people realize something Nigerian politics is still a game where powerful people do whatever it takes to win and they care more about staying in power than doing what is right.
Nigerian politics is like this because the people, in charge only care about winning, not about helping people.
As Nigeria looks ahead to 2027 the lessons of 2025 are very important. Nigeria has to think about if democracy will be okay after another fight between politicians. The opposition in Nigeria has a team so will this team really be able to challenge the ruling party in Nigeria or will it fall apart because of old fights, between them?
What Nigeria really needs to know is if the leaders of Nigeria will finally put the needs of the people of Nigeria first instead of thinking about what they want for themselves.
The answers remain uncertain. But one thing is clear, 2025 was not just another year in Nigerian politics.
It was a year of turning point, a moment when the foundations of the republic were tested and, in some cases, found wanting.
How the nation responds to those tests will determine not just who wins the next election, but whether Nigerian democracy can endure the storms ahead.